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Urban inequality and access: Will Habitat III rise to the challenge?

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While cities worldwide continue to see rising levels of economic growth and inequality, inclusivity has emerged as a key goal for global leaders looking to encourage more sustainable urban development. The United Nations has outlined strategies in support of this effort – namely through its Sustainable Development Goals – but the implementation of a “New Urban Agenda” at the upcoming Habitat III Conference on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development will help accelerate action in years to come.

Authors

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Nirav Patel

Research Assistant - Global Economy and Development

As part of this overarching agenda, though, it is crucial that Habitat III – unlike the Habitat II conference in 1996 – sheds more light on the various dimensions of urban inequality, including a more strategic focus on physical access. Ensuring that all types of urban dwellers can more easily reach employment, commerce, and other opportunities should stand as a major priority moving forward, especially when it comes to supporting more efficient and equitable infrastructure decisions – from transportation to land use to funding and finance.

The need for greater inclusivity, after all, is readily apparent given recent economic trends.

For example, global income inequality is on the rise according to UN estimates. In the developing world, in particular, 75 percent of the population face more unequal income distributions compared to just two decades ago, up 11 percent from 1990 to 2010. Developing cities, likewise, continue to see their slum populations reach new heights, growing almost 10 percent annually and reaching 881 million people in 2014. Africa represents the worst case with almost 62 percent of its urban population living in slums, while cities in developing parts of South Asia stand at about 30 percent.

Developing countries are not alone, either, as cities in more developed markets are increasingly grappling with higher levels of income inequality and looking to forge new strategies to address these concerns. A recent Brookings policy brief, for instance, traced the 95th/20th percentile household income ratios in U. S. metros and cities to better gauge growing levels of inequality between 2007 and 2014, finding that the 95/20 ratio increased from 8.5 to 9.3 nationally. In other words, higher-income households are now making nearly ten times what lower-income households tend to earn. The disparities, moreover, have been widespread, with cities like Boston, Atlanta, and San Francisco afflicted by some of the highest 95/20 ratios overall.

The spatial distribution of these inequalities is equally alarming and applies in developing and developed markets alike.

Throughout the world of emerging market and low-income country cities, spatial segregation of low-income households is evident either as dense informal settlements in the center of cities or, increasingly, along the periphery of them. Recent studies on European spatial trends, using a combination of Gini coefficients and spatial dissimilarity, reveal a similar gulf emerging between different income groups across 12 different capital cities, ranging from London to Stockholm to Madrid. Moreover, in the U.S., the suburbanization of poverty has followed a similar trend, exacerbating access to employment for low-income workers.

If policymakers are to seriously address inclusivity, inequality, and spatial segregation at Habitat III and beyond, they must take a critical look at the issue of accessibility and the limits of traditional approaches to land use and transportation and ask some critical questions as to why these approaches appear to have failed.

Land use and housing is extensively discussed in the background documents to Habitat III. While there are policy reforms to restrictive zoning regulations and the inadequacies of housing finance, initiatives focused on subsidized housing and compact, mixed-income communities do not appear to have succeeded over time for some very practical reasons. Can one really create economically integrated neighborhoods despite the differences in the consumer markets and necessary services of different income groups? Can one truly overcome “gentrification?”

Transport receives less attention in the Habitat III documents, but it also requires critical attention if one is to better serve the needs of low-income communities, especially on the periphery. With the changing patterns of employment, is a transport service directed at the central business district or even more polycentric city structures appropriate for low-income earners? Studies of recent bus rapid transit illustrate the limits of such investments without complementary policy and service initiatives.

Addressing urban inequality will require looking beyond our idyllic vision of cities and considering practical combinations of policies, regulations, investments, and services. These efforts, moreover, should connect with existing and potential future patterns of household location, while examining linkages to employment, commerce, and services. However, there is still a serious need for empirical research and more widespread sharing of innovative practices, and Habitat III offers a critical opportunity to develop a new, balanced paradigm for inclusive cities.

      
 
 

Inclusive cities: Transportation and accessibility

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Adie Tomer, fellow in the Metropolitan Policy Program, and Jeffrey Gutman, senior fellow in Global Economy and Development, discuss how to transform transportation policy with a focus on accessibility and how cities around the world are grappling with improving infrastructure and increasing access for people of all incomes.

“Access thinking is all about how can we connect people better to those critical destinations they need to get to, and do so in a way ideally that works for everyone with different ranges of incomes, that does so in a way that doesn’t endlessly consume all of the land that’s available, and doing it in a way that maintaining all that infrastructure, that it’s fiscally sustainable,” Tomer explains.

“Because of technology, because of being able to deal with metadata now,” Gutman says, “we’re actually able to measure and report much more inexpensively than we had in the past. I think that’s really a major breakthrough. Now is the time to be able to do this, because we have the instruments and the modeling at hand to be able to move in a very big way toward a measure of accessibility.”

Related links:

Moving to access

Urban equality and access: Will Habitat III rise to the challenge?

Shifting gears to a new transportation model

Building smart cities in India

With thanks to audio engineer Mark Hoelscher, Vanessa Sauter, Fred Dews, and Richard Fawal.

Questions? Comments? Email us at intersections@brookings.edu.

      
 
 

Why and how might a new measure of development cooperation be helpful?

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There has been much discussion recently of creating additional measures of international development cooperation, starting with the so-called Total Official Support for Sustainable Development, or TOSSD, which has been spearheaded by the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) (See Box 1). The DAC oversees the production of statistics on official development assistance (ODA), and the committee is now proposing to also measure the full array of officially-supported development finance that contributes to the 2030 Agenda for sustainable development. Encouragingly, as the new definition promises to have far-reaching implications, the process to formalize TOSSD has included an open, inclusive, and transparent discussion, as agreed to in the Addis Ababa Action Agenda.

The main innovations being proposed by the OECD would recognize the value of resources supporting development enablers or addressing global challenges.

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We have briefly contributed to this debate and suggested among other things that spending on global public goods should be included, but that the definition of such goods should be bounded sensibly; that it is vital to measure South-South cooperation properly by expanding coverage of reporting countries and by valuing it, if possible, according to outcomes instead of costs; and that since the new measure should support the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), those tracking it should have the necessary legitimacy to do so. We also suggested a different, simpler name: International Development Contributions (IDC).

However, in this note we step back from normative debates of what should be included or excluded from TOSSD/IDC and instead explore the practical challenges of measurement. Part of the reason for stepping back is that, outside a diehard group of United Nations and DAC experts perhaps, it is not obvious that there is any major political constituency that is particularly keen to hear the details of this story. Most are more interested in the big picture trends and, indeed, we have found it surprising to see how little is understood about non-ODA flows, despite acknowledgement that these will be critical to achieving the SDGs. The demand for a better system of measurement of international development contributions therefore needs to be created and arguing the finer definitional points, or about who should be in charge of the housekeeping, will not do that. It may even stand in the way.

So for this reason, it’s important to break down the argument for new measurement techniques as simply as possible: If useful information can be provided relatively cheaply, then there is a strong case to make it accessible and improve the transparency of development cooperation. On the other hand, if a large new statistical exercise is required, the cost-benefit calculus becomes more complex.

We find that there are already several ways to improve the understanding of the broad patterns of global development cooperation, but that the data must be drawn from alternative sources. This raises issues of how information is compared between sources because each may differ in how they collect and sort data. In some cases, we find striking differences between organizations in their estimates of the same variable. Even after acknowledging that differences in fiscal years, exchange rates, and other statistical techniques mean that identical estimates from different organizations should not be expected, the order-of-magnitude differences suggest that improvements in statistical quality is at least as important as refinements in the coverage of data (more countries, private philanthropy) and the concepts of what to include (guarantees, public goods).

      
 
 

Africa’s industrialization in the era of the 2030 Agenda: From political declarations to action on the ground

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Although African countries enjoyed fast economic growth based on high commodity prices over the past decade, this growth has not translated into the economic transformation the continent needs to eradicate extreme poverty and enjoy economic prosperity. Now, more than ever, the necessity for Africa to industrialize is being stressed at various international forums, ranging from the recent Tokyo International Conference of Africa’s Development (TICAD) to the just-finished G-20 summit, which put industrialization in Africa and least developed countries (LDCs) in its program for the first time. Meanwhile, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the Addis Ababa Action Agenda, and the Third Industrial Development Decade for Africa (IDDA III) U.N. resolution also mark a transition to a new development paradigm with the recognition that Africa has to restructure and diversify its economies to be on a path of sustained growth.

On September 23, the Africa Growth Initiative at Brookings, United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), and the African Union Commission (AUC) will co-host a high-level panel of leading Africa experts to identify the policies, resources, and strategies necessary to translate support from various political, multilateral, and private sector actors of the international community into concrete actions for stimulating sustainable industrialization in Africa. Mr. Li Yong, Director General of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization will provide a keynote address after which a panel will offer their expertise on the key challenges and bottlenecks to African industrialization and propose recommendations on how different partnerships and players can best support the region in its efforts to sustainably industrialize.

After the program, the panelists will take audience questions.

Register here to attend.

      
 
 

Links in the chain of sustainable finance: Accelerating private investments for the SDGs, including climate action

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Sustainable finance: Imagining realignment

The ambitious goals of Agenda 2030 and the Paris Agreement on climate change have not yet been matched by an equally ambitious financing plan that will get the right resources to the right places at the right time. Despite articulation of a global financing framework in the U.N.’s 2015 Addis Ababa Action Agenda, both public and private financing for sustainable development are underperforming relative to expectations and needs.

Authors

Public resources command attention because they can be programmed by government commitments with some degree of confidence on a multi-year basis. Publicly-funded investments can also incorporate non-market environmental, social and governance issues into project design, selection and implementation. It is certainly the case that many countries still need to mobilize more domestic public resources for the SDGs and climate action. There are, however, well-understood limits to public financing, including pressures on official development assistance (ODA) due to diversion of resources to humanitarian relief and to economic strains in major donor economies, many of which have roots in the most recent global financial crisis.

Private finance, the focus of this policy brief, is also indispensable for sustainable development. It is more plentiful than public finance, but operates independently of intergovernmental processes and responds instead to real-time market signals, guided by the need to maximize expected return within existing policy and regulatory frameworks. Mobilizing and orienting private finance frames one of the most important SDG challenges: shaping the risks, returns, and other incentives facing market actors to ensure private financing supports achievement of the Goals. This is the challenge of “sustainable finance,” a term we use to define financial flows—public or private—that are allocated in a way that simultaneously promotes sustainable development, including its economic, social and environmental imperatives. Sustainable finance can be induced through norms and standards, institutional processes, market forces, market regulations, policy incentives, benchmarking, peer pressure, citizen advocacy, and other means.

Many important activities are already underway to help promote sustainable finance around the world. For example:

  • The Principles for Responsible Investment advance environmental, social, and governance (ESG) standards for investment processes across 1,500 corporate signatories with more than $60 trillion in assets under management.
  • The U.N. Global Compact has been helping companies, investors and stock exchanges to integrate ESG issues into their business practices, including through the launch of the Global Compact 100 index of responsible companies.
  • The G-20 welcomed, at its 2015 leaders’ summit in China, options put forward by its Green Finance Study Group to develop voluntary proposals for scaling up green finance.
  • The Financial Stability Board’s Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures, chaired by Michael Bloomberg, is developing disclosure guidelines to provide a common reference point for companies, investors, lenders, insurers and other stakeholders.
  • The Global Reporting Initiative promotes sustainability disclosures for companies around the world.
  • The Equator Principles offer an approach for more than 80 financial institutions to manage and assess risk in project finance, corporate lending, and advisory services.
  • The Sustainable Stock Exchanges initiative offers a peer learning platform for 48 exchanges from 52 countries to advance ESG reporting among listed companies.
  • The UNEP Finance Initiative has partnered with the private sector since 1992; more recently the Inquiry into the Design of a Sustainable Financial System has mapped actions for accelerating the financial system’s transition to support a green economy.
  • A European Union Directive on the Disclosure of Non-Financial and Diversity Information requires ESG disclosures by large companies and groups, beginning in 2017.
  • The Sustainability Accounting Standards Board has issued provisional sustainability accounting standards for 79 industries, aiming to inform the future work of the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission.
  • The International Integrated Reporting Council is testing a framework to align capital allocation and corporate activities with broader objectives of financial stability and sustainable development.
  • CDP (formerly Carbon Disclosure Project) works with more than 800 investors to help identify environmental risks embedded in their portfolios.
  • The Carbon Pricing Leadership Coalition convenes more than 100 major companies and other stakeholders to advance global carbon pricing efforts.
  • The Portfolio Decarbonization Coalition convenes 25 major investors overseeing the gradual decarbonization of $600 billion in assets under management.
  • The Business and Sustainable Development Commission has been launched with leadership from companies like Alibaba, Merck, Safaricom, Temasek, and Unilever to identify a business case for the SDGs.
  • Focusing Capital on the Long Term has been launched to discourage market short-termism and instead encourage behaviors focused on longer-term economic progress across generations.
  • The International Development Finance Club has established a set of guidelines for tracking the volume of climate mitigation and adaptation activities mobilized by long-term national and international financial institutions.
  • The International Standards Organization has developed guidance on measuring an organization’s contribution to sustainable development (ISO 26000) and has drafted guidance for public consultation on measuring the sustainability of corporate procurement (ISO 20400).

These initiatives are contributing to progress. For instance, green bonds were first launched only a few years ago and are already likely to exceed $75 billion in 2016.  Impact investments topped $15 billion in 2015.  Individual firms like the insurer Aviva have issued calls for action to mobilize finance for the SDGs, based on detailed analysis. The range of activities underway suggests that markets may be close to a tipping point. But it also highlights the scattered nature of individual initiatives and the long path to creating new financing norms. There is a long way to go to scale up sustainable finance to desired levels.

One central problem is the ambiguity of current systems. Consider, for example, green finance. The core idea is to create reporting standards that ensure funds will be invested in low-carbon emission activities. But it’s not yet clear exactly how “green” should be defined. Equally importantly, how do environmental standards relate to other economic and social sustainability imperatives? What if, for example, a green bond finances a low-carbon energy project that leaves toxins in local ecosystems or uses inputs produced by indentured child labor?

It is intuitive to think of “sustainable finance” as financing that is consistent with achieving all 17 SDGs. Because all governments have endorsed the SDGs, there is a prima facie presumption that public finance should be “sustainable”, but in practice this may not always be the case. An understanding of whether public or private finance is “sustainable” requires a multi-dimensional set of metrics that can help roll out the early successes of climate finance across all SDG-relevant sectors. In other words, if each SDG were represented by its own color, then green finance needs to be expanded to include all elements of the rainbow – capturing priorities (and addressing tradeoffs) across issues ranging from sustainable food systems, to healthy living, to gender equality in the workforce, to sustainable marine life in the oceans. Investors, companies, policymakers and civil society all require a common approach to quantifiable operational standards that align with the priorities.

Download the full report »

      
 
 

What role do impact bonds have in the achievement of the Global Goals?

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Public and private sector leaders currently face the daunting task of identifying the path to achieving the United Nation’s 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs or Global Goals) within 14 years. Financing is arguably one of the most important pieces of this complex puzzle. In the last 15 years, a number of innovative financing mechanisms, which address the volume of finance, the effectiveness, or both, have been designed and implemented. Results-based financing (RBF) arrangements, in which governments or donors pay service providers contingent on outputs or outcomes, are one of the fastest growing types of innovative financing.

Social impact bonds (SIBs) and related development impact bonds (DIBs) combine RBF and impact investing (investing that seeks both a social and a financial return). In an impact bond, an outcome funder (a government in the case of SIBs and a third party such as a donor agency or foundation in the case of DIBs) repays private investors with a return contingent upon the achievement of agreed upon outcomes (see Figure 1). Since the first one was established in 2010, 62 SIBs have been implemented across 14 high-income countries seeking to achieve a multitude of social outcomes. To date, there are two DIBs contracted in middle-income countries: one focusing on girls’ education in Rajasthan, India and the other to improve agricultural productivity in the Amazon rainforest of Peru. In addition to these contracted impact bonds, there are at least 60 initiatives in high-income countries and about 30 in low- and middle-income countries that are in feasibility or design stages.

Figure 1: Basic impact bond mechanics

Figure 1: Basic impact bond mechanics

Impact bonds, and other RBF mechanisms, require the measurement of outcomes and create an incentive for the service provider to deliver results. Both aspects encourage the service provider to improve performance management and, ultimately, the quality of the service. Because governments or donors only pay if results are achieved, funding is not wasted on unsuccessful programs. Furthermore, the guarantee of value can encourage governments or donors to explore new, potentially high-impact interventions, instead of continuing to fund low-impact programs.

Impact bonds may also have other positive spillover effects on development. For example, the involvement of private intermediaries and investors may also help grease the wheels of new government contracting systems or provide a way for the business sector to engage in a social issue.

However, despite the enormous potential of impact bonds, there are also some considerable limitations and challenges associated with their implementation. Three criteria are necessary to even consider the use of an impact bond:

  1. The ability of the funder to pay for outcomes rather than inputs
  2. Sufficient evidence that a given intervention and service provider will be able to deliver a stated outcome for an investor to take the risk of engaging
  3. Meaningful outcomes (i.e., related to the SDG indicators) that can be measured within a time frame suitable to both investors and outcome funders

In addition to these three critical criteria, the ability for the key stakeholders to collaborate with one another has enormous implications for getting an impact bond off the ground. These factors contribute to the complexity and high transaction costs associated with impact bonds (relative to traditional input-based financing). Given these constraints, impact bonds are suited to areas where service providers need flexibility and where risk factors discourage direct funding but are minor enough to attract impact investors.

Thus far, these criteria have limited impact bonds to particular subsectors, regions, and investor types and have restricted their scale (both monetarily and in terms of beneficiary numbers). Impact bonds have been developed in fields with complex service inputs and simple outcomes, and for services that cater to particularly underserved or marginalized populations. The scale of impact bonds has been limited—the majority serve fewer than 2,000 individuals, and the largest reaches less than 16,000. Investors have been limited to philanthropic or impact investors rather than commercial investors. However, all impact bonds thus far have supported interventions that have at least some evidence of effectiveness.

Given trends in the global impact bond market, what role do impact bonds have in fulfilling the financing needs to achieving the SDGs, in particular in developing countries?

Impact bonds are likely to be improve effectiveness of financing rather than increasing volume. They also serve an important role in financing mid-scale interventions with some evidence of effectiveness. While they may not be best suited to large-scale financing of social services, they have the potential to affect large-scale systemic shifts in how governments and service providers think about service provision because they build cultures of monitoring and evaluation, encourage investments in prevention, and incentivize collaboration, all of which are essential to achieving the SDGs.

      
 
 

20160928 Al Jazeera John McArthur

Variations on the impact bond concept: Remittances as a funding source for impact bonds in low- and middle-income countries

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As the world comes to grips with the scope and ambition of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), one theme continually rises to the surface: financing.

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David Coleman

Senior Education Advisor - Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade

The figures are daunting, at a scale that is difficult to comprehend. According to the World Investment Report 2014, developing countries face an annual investment financing gap of $2.5 trillion. The 2015 Addis Ababa Action Agenda on financing for development, agreed upon by all countries in the lead-up to SDG endorsement, rightly established financing of the goals as key priority.

In the education sector, the International Commission on Financing Global Education Opportunity, the Global Partnership for Education, and others are grappling with ways and means of closing the estimated $39 billion funding gap per annum in low and lower middle income countries to meet the ambitions of SDG 4 (ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all). To put the education funding gap in perspective, $39 billion represents just 1.6 percent of the $2.5 trillion annual investment shortfall (the Financing Commission calculates an even larger education funding gap, and advocates for annual spending to grow steadily from $1.2 trillion per year in 2016 to $3 trillion per annum by 2030).

It is generally agreed that partnership will be crucial to SDG progress, both in terms of financing and know-how. On the numbers side, domestic resources mobilization is a key source for funding national development plans, including in emerging and developing economies. Private sector contributions—contributions by civil society, remittances, foreign direct investment and official development assistance (ODA)—all have critical roles to play in bringing the necessary resources to intractable problems. Most important is the effective use of available resources, but therein lies the rub: With insufficient resources, excellent plans, and admirable intentions will only get you so far.

To crowd in more resources in support of SDG ambitions, there exists a substantial—but largely untapped—opportunity to create attractive investment options for the vast diaspora community. It is a call for the diaspora to act as angel investors, channeling a portion of remittance flows to social investments—with returns.

Remittance flows are significant. Officially recorded remittances to developing countries amounted to $431.6 billion in 2015, with flows to all parts of the world. Remittance flows are substantially larger than ODA, and historically more stable than private capital flows (see this World Bank report, Figure 5).  While remittances tend to have positive countercyclical effects—increasing during economic downturns or after a natural disaster—funds typically flow to the household level.  Broader societal benefits are harder to define. As Dilip Ratha,  lead economist and manager of the migration and remittances unit in the World Bank, writes, “Governments have often offered incentives to increase remittance flows and to channel them to productive uses… efforts to channel remittances to investment have met with little success. Fundamentally, remittances are private funds that should be treated like other sources of household income.”

Diaspora bonds, however, provide useful precedents in directing remittance funds towards national development priorities. As outlined by Ratha and economist Suhas Ketkar, and reflected upon recently by financial specialist Mayumi Ozaki, diaspora bonds have been used extensively by Israel, and periodically by India and Nigeria, with sparse uptake elsewhere.  Diaspora bonds operate like traditional bonds—to provide predictable financing for governments sourced from their diaspora community. Bond issues tend to be untagged, meaning that the issuer has latitude around the use of funds.

Given the significant financial flows involved, commentators (including those cited above) wonder why diaspora bonds haven’t caught on more widely. Possible reasons include the need for trust in home country systems. Perceptions of system governance, levels of sovereign risk and financial sector stability will color investment decisions—even with the “patriotic discount” touted in diaspora bond issues, there is a limit to the amount of investment risk that may be accepted. The unfocused nature of who or what will benefit from a bond issue may also be a limiting factor: Some may be motivated by contributing to the general betterment of a country (Israeli bond issues are a stand-out in this regard), but others may be insufficiently energized to put their funds into a generic pool. Greater specificity of beneficiaries, with clear and measurable results, could be a powerful motivator.

Building upon the diaspora bond concept, there are real opportunities to attract diaspora finance in support of clearly defined actions with known beneficiaries. A relatively new financing tool—social impact bonds (SIBs) and development impact bonds (DIBs)—fits the bill. DIBs and SIBs typically address specific challenges, with identified targets, and known investment risks and returns. Technically, SIBs and DIBs are not bonds, since they don’t guarantee a financial return: Pre-defined performance targets must be achieved before initial investors receive returns—this payment-for-results is a central attraction of the model.

Diaspora angel investment in DIBs and SIBs is a niche that bears investigation. Impact bonds have been applied to social welfare, criminal justice, education, and employment contexts.  To date, investors have tended to be governments, philanthropic foundations or trusts, institutional investors, banks, and high net worth individuals. Outcome funders (i.e., those who “pay for success”) have tended to be domestic governments (for SIBs) and foundations or bilateral development partners (for DIBs).

Further information on the characteristics and applications of social and development impact bonds is available in two recent Brookings studies: one landscape study examining the first five years of impact bonds and another study examining the application to early childhood development.

Bringing diaspora finance or remittances to social/development impact bonds could produce several potential benefits:

  • Encourages external private investment in a developing country, via an intermediary institution (i.e., to structure the SIB/DIB and manage risk)
  • Allows the targeting of remittance funds beyond family networks and in support of a societal good attractive to the investor (e.g., health systems; education; early childhood development; employment)
  • Uses a structured financing vehicle that provides known rates of return and known levels of principal recovery/risk
  • Targets the diaspora, but could be presented as a retail investment option more generally (diaspora bonds have varied on this: the Development Corporation for Israel’s bond issues were targeted towards, but not limited to, the Jewish diaspora; India’s bond issues were limited to investors of Indian origin)
  • Accesses a multi-billion-dollar global resource pool, in which everyone (potentially) wins: returns for the investor if the intervention succeeds; achievement of a societal and developmental good (the activities supported by the SIB/DIB); and potentially reduced risk for outcome funders (through “payment for success”).

Given the scale of the issues and the numbers involved, diaspora angel investment does not represent a silver bullet. Attracting diaspora investors to a DIB or SIB will require an active communications strategy in diaspora concentration countries (there are valuable lessons from diaspora bond issues, and the Education Commission refers to the potential of education bonds).  Confidence in the process—from investment design through to intervention and monitoring, within overall bond security and oversight—will be critical to any roll-out.

But if more resources can be directed towards defined development action—with a known rate of return for participating “retail” investors—it might just have a catalytic investment effect, across sectors, and across countries.

David Coleman is Senior Education Advisor at the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade

DISCLAIMER: The Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade provides financial support for Brookings. The views expressed are the author’s and do not necessarily represent the views of the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade

      
 
 

Can globalization be rescued from itself?

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1.1 What’s the issue?

Globalization—the integration among national economies of markets for goods, services, technology, capital flows, and, to some degree, labor—has played an enormous role in advancing global prosperity. Yet a backlash has emerged, manifested in the recent U.K. Brexit vote, strident “local first” demands, and calls to block trade agreements. The issues are not entirely new. In 1997 Dani Rodrik’s book famously asked Has Globalization Gone Too Far? Joseph Stiglitz published Globalization and Its Discontents in 2002. In between, the 1999 “Battle in Seattle” protests forced the World Trade Organization’s ministerial to shut down. Paradoxically, 2015 was a banner year for forging global consensus among United Nations’ member states in three areas:

  • In July, the Addis Ababa Action Agenda reaffirmed commitments to aid and proposed programs to tackle illicit financial flows and tax avoidance, while encouraging business investments and domestic resource mobilization.
  • In September, a Sustainable Development Summit produced agreement among 193 countries to pursue 17 global goals for 2030. A total of 169 underlying targets were established, at national and global levels, to end poverty, build prosperity, and protect the planet.
  • In December, agreement was reached in Paris on climate change, with all countries coming together to set clear aggregate commitments for mitigation and adaptation, alongside an agreement to revisit and strengthen national pledges as new technologies and policies emerge.

Do these agreements herald a new era of international cooperation? Will they actually make a difference on the ground? Or will national politics and the seemingly endless array of crises distract leaders from the farsighted perspectives and changes needed to promote each society’s long-term interests?

1.2 What’s the debate?

The major arguments about globalization have revolved around four questions.

Question one is about what drives change in global economic structures, often to the detriment of workers. Many blame trade, including “unfair” trade based on perceptions of lax labor standards, exchange rate manipulation, or other forms of government dictates. Others blame technological change, including digital companies that dislodge workers, replace them with robots or use artificial intelligence. Experts like economist Robert Gordon and tech pioneer Peter Thiel think a long-term slowdown in technological advancement and job creation is underway.

17—the number of global development goals the world has agreed to.

A second question is who benefits and who loses from globalization. For much of the 20th century, trade helped create a large middle class in developed countries. Good jobs in manufacturing, government, and professional services contributed growth with equity. This pattern has shifted in recent years, with elites’ incomes soaring while the middle classes face growing stress and stagnation in numbers, according to Branko Milanovic and others (Milanovic, 2016).

In developing countries, by contrast, just over 2 billion people are members of a thriving middle class and their numbers are expected to grow by an additional billion every six or seven years. Social indicators for this group—such as child mortality and life expectancy—are approaching advanced economy levels, while their spending habits are fast-expanding. They appear to be benefiting primarily from opportunities afforded by urbanization, better education, smaller family size, and greater access to financial services, electricity, and the internet (Kharas, 2016).

In a less positive vein, a growing element of globalization is mass movements of people; migrants numbered 244 million in 2015, a 41 percent increase over 2000 (United Nations, 2015). Traditionally, many have viewed migration as an economic win-win, notwithstanding challenges of social integration and “brain drain.” Migrants tend to do better economically when they move to new host countries. Those left behind can benefit from remittances to boost livelihoods and fund their own investments in education. Recipient nations, meanwhile, benefit from entrepreneurship, trade, taxes, and other gains brought by these industrious migrants. Today, migration is a leading source of dissension. In the United States, millions of undocumented migrants and forced deportations have sparked heated debates, while in the European Union the ongoing refugee crisis has amplified tensions between humanitarian, security, and stability imperatives.

150 million is how much the global middle class is expanding by each year.

The third question relates to who sets the world’s standards. Striking a balance between a fair global playing field and responsive local institutions is not easy. Advances in social media mean that ordinary citizens are both creators and recipients of public messages. Some advocate for absolute standards of human rights or non-intervention in markets, while others argue for governments’ need to preserve policy space, particularly for the cultivation of infant industries and culturally sensitive sectors, or to defend local social norms. Politically, many prefer decisions to be made locally, rather than by distant bureaucrats. This partly explains the rising power of mayors.

The tensions are evident in conversations around the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). On one hand, the goals epitomize universal economic, social and environmental challenges. Hence the shorthand term “Global Goals” conveys shared ambitions. On the other hand, to community leaders grappling with local problems, “global” language can seem disconnected. Thus the ultimate SDG challenge is to motivate global and local aspirations.

244 million the number of migrants in 2015.

Question four centers on achieving global growth while preserving a healthy environment. Some consider livelihood imperatives paramount, claiming that pursuing them will enable an economic and technological path to tackling long-run environmental constraints. Others argue that valuing and preserving natural assets is essential to viable, consistent economic progress.

Climate change and carbon emissions already present major risks in the form of losses of life and property due to disasters, as well as potential claims for loss and damage. Losses are felt by global financial institutions as well as individuals. Our overheating planet is also ushering in economic transition risks in the form of rapid asset price adjustments, as regulations are introduced to encourage more sustainable production and consumption. In addition, planetary boundaries are being transgressed in phosphorus and nitrogen flows, and in genetic biodiversity loss. Overfishing has jeopardized over 40 percent of global fisheries; 13 million hectares of forests are lost each year; 20 percent of mangroves are gone; 75 percent of coral reefs are threatened.

1.3 What to watch out for?

Globalization’s success depends not only on government, but also on business, making it essential to gauge the extent to which companies are willing to lead in solving pressing problems. How many will call for carbon pricing? Will a critical mass argue strongly, for example, for mandatory sustainability metrics in annual reports? Will industry coalitions commit to sustainable supply chains and international tax cooperation as core elements of brand management?

Governments are often promoting or protecting globalization’s progress through multilateral bodies. For example, G-20 trade ministers are now calling on their governments to roll back restrictions imposed in the wake of the global financial crisis and to adopt new principles to boost world trade. Concurrently, many major economies are devising plans for translating the Global Goals into national commitments. China has prioritized implementation of the SDGs for discussion at the G-20 leaders’ summit this year. Germany, the next G-20 chair, has itself been an early leader in developing a domestic plan for reaching the goals. Canada may take up the cause when it chairs the G-7 in 2018. If these are seen as credible programs for inclusive growth and climate change, they will help set new norms for globalization.

1.4 What’s next?

2017 will mark many transitions, including a new U.N. secretary-general, a new U.S. president, and likely many other new political leaders around the world who will have to “own” and implement the international agreements made by their predecessors. A major benchmark of this will come when they report back on SDG progress at a U.N. summit in September 2019. For climate, a major review will take place in 2020. Prior to that, the litmus test of progress will be how a promised $100 billion in climate finance for developing countries is mobilized and allocated. If these funds are forthcoming, we can expect to see a greater commitment by developing countries to the global climate agenda.

A more immediate signal will emerge from current negotiations on financing flows channeled through multilateral financial institutions. For the most part, sustainable development depends on the actions of national governments themselves. But the amounts mobilized to replenish various multilateral organizations –starting with the World Bank’s International Development Association, the African Development Fund, and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tubercolosis and Malaria—will reveal a lot about the willingness of developed and large developing countries to support more successful globalization. If these and other institutions get shareholder endorsement and capital infusions to significantly expand their operations, the chances of a new wave of shared global gains will rise correspondingly higher.

      
 
 

A new global agenda: Implications for the role of the World Bank

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The new global agenda hammered out in 2015 is more comprehensive in scope, more universal in its relevance to countries across the income spectrum, and more ambitious in its targets than the MDG agenda of 2000-2015. The three central goals now are to reignite growth, deliver on the sustainable development goals (SDGs), and ramp up actions in line with the ambitions of the Paris climate agreement.

Authors

As focus shifts to implementation, the implications for the multilateral development system in general, and the World Bank Group (WBG) in particular, are being debated. Multilateral development banks (MDBs) have a comparative advantage in providing low-cost, long-term financing, both for projects and, when necessary, for counter-cyclical purposes. They also have a unique ability to deal with risk through their presence in a country, sector, or project.

The present time is one of urgency and opportunity. There is urgency in moving on the global agenda, as time is short to achieve the ambitious goals. There is an opportunity to chart a new course for sustainable development in many countries now, before urbanization and technology choices put countries on paths from which it will difficult and expensive to escape and which will put the global climate goals irrevocably out of reach, with high risks and costs, especially for the poor and vulnerable.

MDBs are the best-positioned agencies to take advantage of prevailing low real interest rates in global capital markets and of the rapid emergence of new technologies. Their ability to leverage official capital and to deploy it across the developing world with the help of new technological solutions is unparalleled.

Infrastructure is also a sector where private capital and new technologies can be deployed. Yet major gaps persist in developing countries across the income spectrum in the quantity and sustainability of infrastructure.

The new global agenda has highlighted the central role of sustainable infrastructure to growth, to the delivery of the SDGs, and to climate action. Infrastructure is also a sector where private capital and new technologies can be deployed. Yet major gaps persist in developing countries across the income spectrum in the quantity and sustainability of infrastructure. New models are required to scale up. The MDBs, and the WBG in particular, are well placed to provide these new models.

We argue that, in the case of the WBG, a portfolio approach, rather than a country-by-country approach, is a useful device to optimize the overall development impact and the contribution to the sustainable finances for each multilateral institution. For the Bank Group, which is our focus in this note, a portfolio approach implies viewing the International Development Association (IDA), the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) in an integrated way and developing approaches to managing the transition of support from one to the other.

In a portfolio approach, decisions have to be made on how resources are allocated. We suggest using two lenses: (i) a sectoral/thematic lens that can assess the contribution towards the SDGs; and (ii) a country/income group lens that can guide where investments should be made.

Lending to different sectors and different countries generates differences in risks (and financial returns), so these choices on resource allocations must also add up in a way that generates a sustainable financial model for the institution.

The value proposition for development impact we advance is comprised of three parts:

  • A transfer of affordable and stable resources to recipient countries through access to low-cost (relative to alternative market access for the borrower) funds from the WBG and the mobilization of financing from other sources, especially from the private sector, through the ability to address impediments and de-risk programs and projects;
  • A development benefit that is potentially maximized if a project or program organizes scaled up or transformative change, or if it helps build resilience and capacity to rapidly respond to or avoid shocks;
  • A global/regional benefit to other countries from spill-overs, most importantly in the areas of climate action, disease surveillance and treatment, conflict prevention, and economic stabilization, all cases where “bads” from a country can seriously affect others.

A Shared Vision for Development

During 2015, the global community reached milestone agreements on the Addis Ababa Action Agenda on financing for development, Agenda 2030 along with 17 SDGs for the world, and the Paris Agreement on climate change. These milestones fundamentally changed the discourse and focus of development cooperation with ramifications much larger than those that prevailed in the MDG period of 2000-2015.

While poverty reduction remains a central overarching goal, the global development agenda embodied in the SDGs is far more ambitious in its articulation of reviving economic growth, achieving sustainable development, and delivering on climate action. The 2030 development agenda recognizes that poverty reduction can only be sustained if several interconnected objectives are simultaneously achieved and if the 17 SDGs are intrinsically connected one with the other. Thus, the expanded scope of the development agenda is not simply a matter of adding new priorities—it is a matter of recognizing that sustained poverty reduction can only happen when objectives and actions across a broad spectrum are aligned. It will be impossible to achieve sustained poverty reduction without strong foundations of growth or without tackling climate change, and it will not be possible to tackle climate change without more sustainable growth and poverty reduction.

The new development agenda establishes priorities and indicates areas where incremental spending needs are likely to be largest. These are clearly spelled out in the Addis Ababa Action Agenda. They are: (i) scaling up social protection and essential public services (estimated at upwards of $100 billion per year); (ii) scaling up efforts to end hunger and malnutrition and promote climate-smart agriculture (estimated at upwards of $100 billion); (iii) meeting the enormous needs for sustainable infrastructure (estimated at $3.5 trillion to $4.5 trillion annually in developing countries alone); (iv) boosting private sector development, including industrialization and job creation (estimated at $2.5 trillion for small and medium enterprises alone); and (v) promoting good governance and capable public sector management as a central foundation including to build peaceful and inclusive societies.[1] It is magnitudes like these, rough though they may be, that give rise to the phrase “from billions to trillions” and to the clear recognition that catalyzing private finance for development is of critical importance.

This understanding that a scaled up effort is required across a range of sectors applies equally to all developing countries, low-income and middle-income, but will differ in the details depending on country circumstances. Historically, social protection and public service delivery along with food security have been emphasized in low and lower middle-income countries (LICs and LMICs), while private sector development and infrastructure have been important for middle-income countries and even some high income countries (HICs). But this narrative is eroding. Private sector development is now seen as critical for LICs and even fragile and conflict states. Upper middle-income countries (UMICs) face important needs in human development. Countries across the spectrum need support in improving governance and public sector management. And all countries have large unmet investment requirements for sustainable infrastructure.

In addition to specific country needs, the new global agenda also recognizes that spillovers between countries are an externality that international public financing is well-suited to support. There is considerable debate as to whether to cast the WBG as a provider of public goods (meaning goods that the public sector should provide, not the classic economic meaning) in general, or as supporting the national development interest of individual countries in areas that have global spillovers. In reality, these will blur into each other—selected interventions at the country level will be the means to pursue national development goals while simultaneously addressing global challenges. Arguably the most important example of this is the role that the WBG and other MDBs can play in boosting the quantity and quality of investments in sustainable infrastructure. Sustainable infrastructure deserves special consideration because this is where the largest financing requirements lie, and because infrastructure will lock in place patterns of sustainable consumption and production for decades to come, so there is a one-time opportunity to get it right in the next decade or two.

While development challenges will remain more daunting in poorer and more vulnerable countries, middle-income countries are critical to the successful implementation of the new global development agenda. The multilateral development system can play a significant role in advancing the shared vision and goals of the global development community, but its principal comparative advantage lies in doing this through specific investments in each client country.

At a macroeconomic level, LMICs face a challenge in expanding public spending. Their domestic resource capabilities are often underdeveloped, and at the same time they face a reduction in access to official development assistance (ODA). The figure below shows the resulting trough faced by LMICs. When available public resources, defined as domestic revenues plus ODA, are plotted as a share of GDP against GDP per capita levels, it is LMICs that have the smallest access to resources. At upper middle-income levels, domestic resource mobilization (DRM) fully compensates for graduation from ODA.

Figure 1: Domestic revenue plus ODA across income levels, 2010

domestic-revenue

Source: Authors’ calculations based on World Development Indicators (2014) and International Centre for Tax and Development (2014)

Note: Figure reproduced and adapted from Kharas and McArthur, “Nine Priorities for Action at Addis”

The mix of countries within each income classification is changing rapidly over time. A rough analysis suggests that, although IBRD clients are roughly evenly split between lower-middle-income (52 countries) and upper-middle countries (55 countries) at present, by 2025, perhaps 14 countries will graduate from lower-middle-income to upper-middle-income status; another 14 will graduate from upper-middle-income to high-income status. Developing a shared vision for managing these transitions, as well as the transition from IDA to IBRD, will be important.

The starting point (FY2015) for the WBG is shown in the figure below. The WBG as a whole committed some $50 billion in FY 2015 to specific countries, excluding multi-regional and global projects. LICs receive a small dollar amount, almost entirely from IDA. The roughly $7 billion per year they receive should be compared to an aggregate GDP level of $400 billion (about 1.8 percent, or $11 per capita). LMICs receive the highest total flows, over $25 billion per year, but their GDP is $5.8 trillion, so the WBG commitments are well under 0.5 percent of GDP or $8.5 per capita. UMICs receive about $15 billion, but their aggregate GDP is $20 trillion. So the commitments are under 0.1 percent of GDP or $5.9 per capita.

Figure 2: World Bank Group Commitments 2015 (Income group and lending Entity)

world-bank-group-commitmentsSource: Authors’ calculations based on published WBG data

Note: Excludes global and multi-regional funds and projects.

Set against the scale of SDG needs, it is clear that a substantial expansion of WBG resources would be welcomed by developing countries. The proposals to expand IDA significantly by mobilizing private funds while maintaining a AAA rating are a good first step. Expansions in IBRD and IFC should now follow suit. Equally clear is that it is not realistic to imagine that the WBG or the multilateral bank system as a whole can provide the full scale of needed resources. This implies that catalyzing private finance, and allocating scarce MDB resources, should occupy center stage, regardless of the size of any capital increase that shareholders may agree on.

Value Proposition I: Low-cost affordable resource transfers and de-risking private capital

The expansion of IBRD and IFC commitments in the past few years suggest that non-concessional public financing is highly desirable to clients in current market conditions.[2] This is not surprising. Although global real interest rates are low, the same is not true in development finance. Globally, long-term finance is a segmented portion of capital markets, that is hard to access at scale, and it commands a premium price. Developing countries pay an additional premium for their long-term debt. And in selected sectors, such as sustainable infrastructure, there is yet another risk premium that is added. These features of the current private capital market make the value proposition of multilateral financing highly attractive even today.

It is useful to decompose the benefit of official lending into one component that reflects the implicit gain from directly accessing official lending at below-market interest rates and a second component that reflects the catalytic impact on private financing that can be generated. Official financing carries favorable terms: IDA remains the most important source of multilateral concessional finance, IBRD has long offered finance at low interest rates, and IFC offers favorable terms to private sector clients compared to market alternatives for its clients. Borrowing from the WBG therefore represents a resource transfer that is valuable and given the leverage of the institution it is a very efficient model for transferring resources at scale.

At the same time, more can be done to add value through mobilizing and catalyzing additional private financing as described below. Mobilizing capital, through direct co-financing, guarantees and other forms of structured project finance, is one way of crowding-in private capital, but has been used rather modestly to date. OECD estimates that all international official agencies mobilized about $14 billion of private capital in 2014. Catalyzing private capital, by improving the investment climate, or supporting reforms in public sector management that permit countries to issue bonds directly, is perhaps quantitatively more significant, but still limited to a few countries.

The two benefits are illustrated in the figure below. Without official lending, a borrower’s welfare gains from borrowing in international private markets is given by area A, where the interest rate and the volume of financing is given by the intersection of supply and demand curves. When official lending is added, the supply curve is shifted to the right, and the shape of the supply curve is changed. This happens if, for example, the official lending improves the rule of law or other conditions making for more favorable access to private capital, or if private capital is de-risked through the provision of public funds. In the figure below, the supply of private capital is flattened in both cases.

Figure 3: Welfare gains from foreign borrowing

welfare-gains

The marginal benefit of official lending to the borrowing country is given by areas B and C. Area B is a measure of the direct benefit of official lending compared to borrowing from the market. Area B is therefore greater when (i) the opportunity cost of borrowing from the market is higher (less creditworthy and usually lower income countries); and (ii) the degree of concessionality of the official lending is higher. Area C is a measure of the catalytic impact of public funding. It is higher when the impact on the supply curve is higher. It is also higher when the demand for capital is flatter. This will tend to expand the volumes of private capital catalyzed by a given shift in the shape of the supply curve.

The gains to clients have implications for allocations to countries and sectors. In general, the higher the alternative cost of capital for a specific investment in a specific country, the greater is the direct benefit from providing official finance (area B). This implies that lending could be allocated, in part, as a negative function of per capita income, as GNI per capita is typically also closely related to the spread a country pays. But GNI per capita is only one variable that goes into spreads. Small island economies that are vulnerable to external shocks, for example, tend to face higher spreads than their GNI per capita would suggest. Similarly, fragile states face higher spreads than their income levels. Some sectors may also be perceived as riskier than others. As suggested above, this seems to apply to infrastructure where construction and policy risks are commonly cited as obstacles.  Furthermore, the potential to mobilize and catalyze additional private capital must also be factored in (area C). In some middle-income countries, the catalytic role of international financial institutions (IFIs) might unlock significant amounts of private capital, for example if investments in a particular sector can be opened up through policy or institutional reforms or through risk mitigation measures at the project level.

In practice, most middle income countries (and a dozen or more low income countries) already have a sovereign credit rating and this can be used as a proxy for understanding where foreign exchange is most scarce, and therefore where WBG lending could add most value. But of course an allocation strategy that directs capital to where it is most scarce implies lending more to riskier borrowers, so would have to be tempered with appropriate safeguards to protect the quality of the overall portfolio.  Since financing requirements will remain large in absolute terms for middle income countries (especially for faster growing and more populous countries facing large infrastructure deficits), the WBG can allocate relatively more capital and lending to the least creditworthy borrowers while preserving a balanced portfolio.

This stylized depiction of gains from catalytic financing associated with public lending mask a range of specific actions around de-risking. Policy changes associated with public funding, perhaps including those in the Doing Business indicators, can be a powerful force in inducing additional private capital flows. So can de-risking link to the presence of official lending and its role in structured financing for large-scale infrastructure or scaled up platforms. De-risking can take the form of improved due diligence in project identification and supervision to improve implementation. It can take the form of strengthening of key institutions that regulate private investments or implement public investments. It can also be dynamic, when risks change as projects mature. MDBs can target and mitigate early stage risks during construction, crowding in private equity and debt finance, and mitigate revenue risks (including currency risk) once projects reach completion, facilitating private take-out financing.

The WBG has a suite of instruments—public financing, private financing, insurance, guarantees and advisory services—to crowd-in private capital, but tends to deploy them individually and idiosyncratically rather than strategically and as part of a concerted solution at scale to tackle a given development challenge. We want to stress that de-risking and crowding-in can be achieved with advisory services, technical assistance, and capacity building, as well as by deploying financial instruments like guarantees. In many areas, from small and medium enterprises (SMEs) to financial inclusion to infrastructure, development impact is magnified when a concerted bundle of advisory services and finance is prepared as a solution for clients—either through support to strengthen the enabling environment, or through measures to mitigate risks and enhance effectiveness of programs and projects.

It is also worth keeping in mind that the catalytic impact of official lending depends on implementation. The theory of how to catalyze private finance may not always work in practice. If catalytic financing is to become an operational criterion for assessing interventions ex ante, it will need a body of evidence to support the link between actions and outcomes. Indeed, one major complaint from developing countries today is that private capital is not yet flowing to key sectors despite more projects being identified and policies improved.

The arguments above are couched in macroeconomic terms, but increasingly, the lower cost of capital itself is an important variable in altering the microeconomic choices that countries make at the project level. For example, a typical least-cost power plant may be fossil-fuel based if the cost of capital is 10 percent, but renewable energy will be more attractive if the cost of capital is 3 percent simply because of the different profiles of fixed investment and operating costs between the two choices. The lower cost of official funding can also be used to extend coverage of essential services to low-income regions, or to otherwise ensure affordable access to basic utilities. Thus, through the allocation of WBG capital, the global community can alter incentives so that individual country choices contribute to the inclusive solutions and low-carbon outcomes that the global community would like to see.

Value Proposition 2: Maximizing development impact through scaling up and building resilience

How should WBG resources be allocated to maximize the contribution to the SDGs and other development objectives? We suggest that the highest impact comes when projects or programs are scaled up nationally or when they have a transformational development impact in a selected sector. A second criterion to use in assessing development impact is whether an intervention builds a capability to address fragility and provide resilience to an increasingly broad range of crises, shocks, and negative spill-overs from neighbors. One of the key findings of the Growth Report[3] was that avoiding large negative outcomes was more important for sustainable development than achieving growth spurts.

The WBG addresses many issues, but, as noted above, the greatest need for scaled up impact among the SDGs is in (i) delivery of essential public services (poverty reduction, social assistance, education, health, water and sanitation); (ii) resilient agriculture (to end hunger and malnutrition); (iii) sustainable infrastructure, especially in energy, transport and cities; and (iv) private sector development for industrialization, jobs and SMEs. These sectors account for the vast bulk of the investments needed for achievement of the SDGs. They are also sectors where scaled up development impact is necessary and an immediate imperative. In addition, the WBG has a long and successful tradition of structural reform through improvements in public sector management, improved governance, strengthened institutions and better policy frameworks across all sectors and in cross-cutting areas like gender, transparency, and accountability.

The allocation of funding by sector cannot be considered in isolation from the allocation of funding by countries (or country groups). To show this, the figure below approximately configures WBG commitments in 2015 by the main SDG priority sectors across country categories. The totals for the whole WBG are as follows: agriculture/food security 8 percent; human development 20 percent; public sector management 16 percent; infrastructure 33 percent; private sector development 23 percent.

Figure 4: World Bank Group Commitments (Income group, sector, and lending entity)

world-bank-committments

Source: Authors’ calculations based on publicly available data.

Note: Some assumptions have been made to organize the data in this form, and so the numbers should be treated as approximations, but we believe they are a fair representation of actual commitments.

The figure suggests that both sector composition and source of financing varies across income groups. In LICs, public sector management and human development are relatively more important. In LMICs, infrastructure dominates. In UMICs, the focus shifts to private sector development. Human development and public sector management are important themes across the spectrum of countries.

About one-half of WBG resources are currently focused on LMICs. But for both IBRD and IFC, UMICs represent more than half of total lending.

This decomposition suggests there is a certain logic to the existing system of resource allocation. But it also reveals considerable overlap between IDA, IBRD, and IFC, especially in LMICs. This overlap presents an interesting opportunity: Could a blend of IDA, IBRD, and IFC provide for a more scaled up solution, especially in LMICs where all three agencies have a major footprint? Which is the best instrument to use? Could greater engagement of IBRD and IFC in LICs in infrastructure and private sector development, say, allow IDA to scale up in other areas?

There is not much difference in the sectoral allocations between IDA and IBRD, suggesting considerable opportunities for blending resources when desirable to incentivize governments to adopt more platform approaches to their challenges. This applies in three major sectors: climate-smart agriculture/food security, human development, and infrastructure.

IDA may be a better-suited instrument of choice for institutional strengthening, capacity development and other innovations in public sector management, while IBRD might focus more on private sector development and issues such as debt management and DRM where returns to the treasury would be more immediate.

Looking ahead, the proposed expansion of IDA would likely provide an even greater volume of resources to ‘blend’ LMICs (those receiving both IDA and IBRD funding) as these would be best positioned to absorb the private funds that IDA is planning to mobilize. If current allocations remain the same as those of FY2015, IBRD and IFC expansion would channel a majority of resources towards UMICs.

Given its current size and focus, a larger WBG could make a considerable contribution to the needed investments in climate-smart agriculture and in human development if the right platforms are developed. The report of the International Commission on Financing Global Education Opportunity makes a similar point: “no country that has committed itself to investing in and reforming its education system should be prevented from achieving its objectives because of a lack of resources.”[4]

The largest gaps relative to need are in the areas of sustainable infrastructure and private sector development, especially for SME development.

The largest gaps relative to need are in the areas of sustainable infrastructure and private sector development, especially for SME development.

Infrastructure is the largest major sector for the WBG, yet also poses the largest challenge in terms of scaling up. Surprisingly, considering the attention devoted to public-private partnerships in infrastructure, IFC had the lowest share of infrastructure in its 2015 commitments among the WBG entities. If sustainable infrastructure is to be scaled up, it will require a determined push to mobilize and catalyze far greater volumes of private finance. The rationale for public involvement is both the externality created from moving towards low-carbon systems and the externality attendant from ensuring equitable, inclusive, and affordable access to infrastructure services.

One argument for a major push on sustainable infrastructure today is that there is a unique window of new infrastructure construction that will be put in place over the next two decades in response to urbanization. Over the next 20 years, about 2 billion people will move to cities. The shape of urban investments will dictate whether these become centers of squalor or platforms for prosperity. In middle-income countries alone, the new infrastructure in urban areas will be 1.5 times as large as the accumulated stock of current urban infrastructure. Once locked in place, urban investments will determine the degree of sustainability of future consumption and production patterns. Emerging markets and developing countries will account for almost all of the incremental global carbon emissions; a shift towards more sustainable infrastructure will be critical to meeting the global climate goals given the shrinking carbon budget.

In each sector, scaling up development impact requires a platform or programmatic approach that back-casts from the target set for 2030 to the current situation and thereby deduces the required trajectory of change. Scaling up can be constrained by many factors, but some are common to all sectors. It requires up-front investments in planning and policy change; a major effort to identify and prepare bankable, sustainable projects; a focused approach to implementation, often associated with governance improvements in major implementing institutions, and mechanisms for raising financing—public and/or private—at sufficient scale. Those countries that can put in place such platforms or programs probably merit greater financing and other support from MDBs.

The conditions for scaling up will not be present in all countries, nor in all sectors within a country. Thus, using the potential for scaling up to achieve transformational change as a criterion for effectively allocating WBG resources would not necessarily correspond to any ex ante country allocation. One would need to consider evolving country-specific conditions.

We would underline that sustainable infrastructure needs do not decline with income, and the scale required could exceed the domestic resources even of UMICs. As a practical matter, the absolute amounts of investments into sustainable infrastructure will be largest in today’s UMICs. Even if these countries have greater scope to mobilize public and private resources, IFIs can play an important catalytic role in mobilizing and reducing the costs of long-term capital. As indicated above, by improving access to and reducing the cost of capital, MDBs can help promote more sustainable investment strategies across the range of energy, transport, and urban systems. Support for sustainable infrastructure in these countries could have important global spillovers in terms of impact on growth, trade and climate.

Scaling-up is one of the criteria we propose for assessing development impact. The other is building resilience and reducing risk. Repeated studies suggest that the costs of shocks are magnified when there is no institutional ability to respond at the speed and scale required. Natural hazards can be transformed into disasters without adequate preparedness. The Sendai Framework, for example, provides toolkits for global response and the WBG has established a strong track record of disaster risk reduction. Pandemics are less costly when stopped early, as Nigeria showed during the Ebola epidemic. Fragility to weather related shocks like El Nino can be offset by strong social assistance programs (as in Ethiopia) and better climate-smart agriculture. Stabilization programs, commodity stabilization funds and sound debt management frameworks are ways of institutionalizing policy responses to economic shocks and avoiding crises.

In each of these examples, IDA and IBRD have demonstrated strong track records that have helped clients respond quickly to natural hazards, pandemics, or sudden stops in private capital. The resources provided by IDA and IBRD have permitted counter-cyclical government spending that helps avoid major waste associated with stop-go investment planning and helps reduce the human costs suffered in the event of disaster. Prevention has been more cost-effective than reaction.

Institutional capacities need to be scaled up to achieve resilience. For the most part, the challenges are largest in LICs and LMICs, and the focus of WBG activities in building resilience can be concentrated there. Other economic shocks, however, cannot be predicted and hence the ex post allocation of resources to countries will be equally unpredictable. This is an example of a situation where a country-allocation approach would not be appropriate.

Value Proposition 3: Addressing cross-border spill-overs

A third criterion for assessing the contribution of the WBG is the impact on cross-border spill-overs. The most obvious and arguably the most important of these is the contribution that can be made to global climate action.  The WBG is well positioned to contribute to both the mitigation and adaptation actions that were committed to under the Paris Agreement.   Since the preponderant share of incremental global carbon emissions will come from middle income countries—both upper and lower middle income—the WBG can play an important role in the global agenda by supporting middle income countries to adopt low-carbon development paths. In practice this entails a significant scaling up of support for sustainable and climate-smart infrastructure.  In the current economic environment, it is more difficult to make the case for low-carbon investments if the costs of market financing make these investments less attractive financially.  The MDBs, including the WBG, have committed to significantly increasing their financing for climate-related investments as part of the global commitment to mobilize an additional $100 billion in financing per year by 2020 from public and private sources to help developing countries cope with climate change. That commitment to mobilize $100 billion was reaffirmed in the Paris climate agreement.  As discussed earlier, financing from the WBG can tilt incentives towards more sustainable choices by reducing the cost of capital and by mobilizing much larger volumes of private finance needed to meet the scale of demands for sustainable infrastructure.

The WBG can also assist countries to adapt to the inevitable effects of climate change.  The largest needs will be in poorer and more vulnerable countries, and have to be met therefore primarily from concessional sources of finance.

Beyond climate, many spill-overs relate to fragility. Large-scale migration and refugee flows have been linked to weather-related and conflict-related shocks. Affected countries are those in the neighborhood. Income levels are not a factor.

Given its substantial presence on the ground and ability to develop broad and coherent policy packages, we propose that the focus of the WBG efforts on global and regional public goods be placed on country-specific interventions, like low-carbon infrastructure or climate-smart agriculture. As the case of assisting refugees in Jordan has highlighted, this could require development of non-traditional packages of assistance, especially in UMICs.

A Sustainable Business Model

Both the sector and country approaches to assessing development finance suggest that the demands on the WBG will be much greater than in the past.  Needs relative to economic size and population will be the greatest in poor and fragile countries, but absolute financing requirements will be much larger and roughly proportional between lower middle income and upper middle income countries.

The combination of the different arms provides the WBG a potent mix to respond to these needs across the different sectoral priorities and country groups.

An expanded IDA (by augmenting the envelope and increasing leverage) can play a key role in supporting scaling up in the poorest and most fragile countries, as well as in the bottom tier of LMICs whose needs cannot be fully met by IBRD because of creditworthiness.  In terms of sectoral priorities, IDA has greatest comparative advantage in supporting human development and assisting poorest and most vulnerable countries cope with shocks.

IBRD and IFC will also face increased demands from all country groups.  IBRD loans have a shorter maturity than IDA (usually 10-20 years). While in general this implies that IBRD loans are most beneficial in LMICs, where DRM can pick up the burden of debt service over time, they can also be used in LICs if the project itself generates reasonable financial returns. This is the case for many sustainable infrastructure projects, especially those where private sector investments ensure that positive cash flows are built into project design.  This implies that there may be a case for IBRD lending even in poor countries, and scope for significant expansion in IBRD lending for sustainable infrastructure development and private sector development in LMICs where there are major opportunities for scaling up.

Similar arguments pertain to IFC. Experience suggests that good returns can be found even in LICs, but that de-risking through public funds might be needed in some cases. As a practical matter, the more involved IFC and other private co-financiers become, the more care will need to be taken to ensure competitive processes are in place to ensure that the allocation of public subsidies is appropriate. IFC does have business models in place to recover costs from directly mobilized private financiers, so can potentially scale rapidly in the right environment.

IBRD can continue to catalyze scaling up actions on human development in upper middle income countries even though the vast majority of funding will come from domestic resources.  Both IBRD and IFC can also help scale up investments and financing for sustainable infrastructure through direct financing and risk mitigation. Although most of the financing will come from the private sector, the absolute scale of the needs and the importance of addressing policy and institutional impediments suggests that IBRD financing needs to expand both to support development needs and the spillover gains for global climate goals.

A significant challenge for the MDBs including the WBG is maintaining financial sustainability in a low interest rate environment that is likely to persist for the foreseeable future. The WBG has taken important internal reforms that permit scaling in this new environment. Most fundamentally, its pricing policy for individual activities is now more closely related to the cost of providing the service. With full cost recovery in place, at least for lending, scaling up can become consistent with a sustainable financial model.

However, there is no current business model for adequately recouping the cost of IBRD non-financial engagements that serve to catalyze private finance. For example, if IBRD helps establish a platform that other lenders can also use to scale-up financing in a sector, the costs of that cannot necessarily be recouped through margins on IBRD loans themselves. It is easier to recoup costs in structured finance packages, but even there, the scale of IBRD due diligence required to provide the needed de-risking comfort around sustainability can be substantial.

If IBRD is going to become serious about helping countries establish scaling up platforms, it will need to refine this portion of its business model.

In the case of IBRD, the pricing of loans to individual countries does not reflect differences in creditworthiness, and indeed, the cooperative nature of the WBG, along with the implicit preferred creditor status its borrowers have conferred on it, suggests it should not. Loan pricing must therefore adequately reflect the average risk of the portfolio. Indeed, if, as we have argued above, the greatest financial benefit to clients comes from lending to the least creditworthy, then overall risk must be carefully considered.

The diversity of middle-income countries today permits the WBG to diversify and reduce average risk through a portfolio approach in a way that was not possible before. When all developing countries were impacted in similar ways by global economic conditions, there were limited opportunities for the WBG to diversify risk. But today, this is not the case. Developing countries have taken on their own risk characteristics and this allows far larger portfolio benefits from diversification across countries.

One example of this, in practice, is the minimal change in risk that rating agencies ascribed to the reforms in the Asian Development Bank (AsDB). The diversification benefits of taking over the assets of the Asian Development Fund outweighed the lower average credit quality of those assets. The new, expanded balance sheet of the AsDB remains as healthy as ever, while its capacity to leverage more has increased substantially.

Considerable diversification can be achieved even among LMICs, so diversification is not in itself a determining argument for lending to UMICs. Of course, the larger the pool of countries, the greater is the potential for diversification and the WBG will only remain a true World Bank if it continues to have a significant presence in all member countries.

Overall, it should be recognized that the question about the allocation of IBRD resources is intimately linked with the scale of resources. If IBRD can scale up substantially, it will be able to engage with the full range of clients, both in LMICs and in UMICs, without needing to confront the issue of trade-offs in terms of lending to one group or another. Indeed, in a dynamic sense, a scaled up IBRD would add profits and reserves to its balance sheet that would fuel a further expansion in lending. A smaller IBRD will force a more acute discussion on trade-offs in allocations.

Implications for IBRD

This brief overview of context and role suggests a core set of questions to address.

  • How ambitious should shareholders be in the context of the new global agenda and its imperatives of reigniting global growth, delivering on the SDGs, and taking bold climate action in line with the Paris Agreement? We argue that, given its comparative strengths to mobilize financial resource transfers (public and private), to catalyze transformational development impact, and to help respond to fragility and shocks, it would be sensible to position the WBG to do much more. The scope and nature of required investments, especially over the next 20 years when sustainable infrastructure must be built, suggest that both public and private financing solutions must be brought to bear on a far greater scale than at present and that focus should shift to platforms that can be truly scaled up.
  • How should IBRD adapt its strategy according to country context? There is sound logic to the idea that the direct benefit from higher financial transfers is larger in low income and lower middle-income countries. This is particularly true for investments in core public services that countries can afford to fund themselves as they grow richer. However, the value proposition for WBG activities rests on several other criteria that are not closely linked to income per capita.

The benefit from financial transfers depends, as we argued above, not just on the lending from the WBG’s own balance sheet, but also on the mobilized and catalyzed private capital that is crowded-in. The development impact, including the potential for scaling up, depends strongly on sector and country context.  The huge needs for sustainable infrastructure in upper middle-income countries can benefit enormously from support from the WBG. Investments in sustainable infrastructure in these countries will be critical for their sustained growth and development and will have important global spillovers.  And the need for flexibility to respond to crises and fragility, while perhaps focused on low income countries, will extend to many other countries at all income levels. From this perspective, traditional graduation models, or country allocation models based purely on per capita income, do not appear well-suited to the current context. Per capita income can be a useful starting point, but ultimately, country allocations should be based on an assessment of where the value added by the WBG is greatest. The implication is that individual projects and programs should be considered in terms of their broader development impact, as well as their potential global spillover benefit. It could be the case that, viewed with this lens, upper middle-income countries and even high income countries should remain WBG clients.

How should IBRD approach risk? IBRD lending in the past has been positively correlated with per capita GNI—more lending to richer, more creditworthy countries, partly because of the desire to retain a healthy portfolio quality and to protect (and expand) the capital base through retained earnings. But, as indicated above, a larger development impact could be had if lending into riskier situations (lending to risky countries or risky sectors) could be encouraged. Balancing risk and impact has long been a delicate issue for the institution—one that has been addressed to a certain degree through large, safe loans to less risky clients, opening the door to permit riskier lending to other clients.

This may no longer be as pertinent an argument as before. A portfolio approach to risk suggests that country allocations cannot be viewed as a zero-sum game—more for one country implying less for another. Rather, the dynamics of the business model suggests ample scope for a positive sum game—more lending to risky clients can reduce average portfolio risk through diversification, while more lending to more creditworthy clients can also do the same. It is this positive sum game that is the core attribute of a development finance cooperative institution such as IBRD and that can permit it to sustain an engagement across its whole range of members.

  • How can the WBG, acting together, provide a better solution for its clients? The brief review of roles and functions suggests a natural division of labor of functions between parts of the WBG, rather than a division of labor in terms of clients. Take the example of transformational change through platforms. IBRD/IDA might have a comparative advantage in up-front policy support, and project identification and design, while financing, in sectors like sustainable infrastructure, could be provided or catalyzed by IFC or mobilized with guarantees from the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA). In boom times, all countries might benefit more from greater access to private finance. In down-turns, more public capital might be needed. The point is simply that having each part of the WBG attempt to identify an ex ante country allocation of its scarce resources could limit opportunities to maximize effectiveness as conditions change.

At the end of the day, the troika of needs, country performance, and creditworthiness will dictate both the appropriate aggregate level of WBG activities and their allocation. Responding to need suggests a considerable expansion above current levels in IDA, IBRD, IFC and MIGA. Country performance could better be assessed by a greater focus on the potential to achieve scaled up impact, especially in core SDG sectors. Creditworthiness must be understood in a portfolio context and in terms of impact on the dynamic business model.

The ambitions of the new global agenda warrant a significant reinvigoration in the role of the WBG.  The greatest needs and development impact will be in the poorer and more vulnerable countries.  The Bank can, however, make an important contribution to the development needs of upper middle income and even some high income countries, especially on scaling up and enhancing the sustainability of infrastructure—with important global spillovers.  A dynamic development finance cooperative can benefit all clients, allow the bank to respond to shared global priorities, and establish a sustainable business model. All clients provide value to the WBG through the sharing of experiences, diversification of portfolio risk, and contribution to earnings. This development collaboration strengthens the WBG as an institution.

Seven Propositions for Consideration

  1. For the first time since World War II, there is a truly global agenda with universal endorsement from all countries.
  2. There is an urgency for scaled up action and a two-decade opportunity to change development trajectories.
  3. The MDBs are uniquely positioned to support scaling up; they constitute the most efficient means of sharing the burden of international public finance, mobilizing private long-term capital, and developing scalable solutions through a mix of non-financial and financial tools that can de-risk investments and improve development impact.
  4. MDBs add value across the income spectrum of countries.
  5. They can contribute to investments at a national and regional level that offer the most powerful means of achieving global goals, especially on climate and inclusion.
  6. Scaled up solutions in different sectors and countries can require participation of all instruments of the WBG; advisory services, concessional finance, risk mitigation, capacity building and mobilization of private finance. Different arms of the WBG have a comparative advantage in the deployment of each of these tools.
  7. Scaling up WBG support requires both a larger volume of resources for each agency as well as allocation mechanisms that complement each other, that are suitable for different sectoral needs, and that address issues of transition as country circumstances change. A larger WBG can create a sustainable business model where the whole is greater than the sum of its parts and where support for development across all clients is a positive-sum game rather than a zero-sum game.

 

      
 
 

The democratization of data

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A little more than a year ago, the international community endorsed the Sustainable Development Goals. While the goals reinforced attention to previously identified challenges in health, education, and sanitation, there were also new areas of focus brought forth, including a call for a “data revolution.” But what do we actually mean when we think of the data revolution in connection to social and economic development? What are some of the examples that we can show? I often ask these simple questions to friends and colleagues but, somehow, never get a very clear answer.

Author

Let’s step back and consider the digital revolution thus far. Do you remember when you saw a computer for the first time and how you experienced the internet initially?

My first computer was an Atari, which I got in 1990. I wrote my first university seminar papers on it. Loading time was around five minutes, even though I would only use word processing. The software had to be loaded from a floppy disks (those born after 1990 can google what it was) because disk space was unusual at that time. In hindsight it seems like it must have been really painful. At the time it was bliss, considering the alternative was my mother’s typewriter and removing each mistake with Tipp-Ex or retyping the whole page.

A few years later, at the end of 1994, I had my first encounter with email and the internet. Our university had one computer room where you could connect. We would converge to that room, in a separate building, to go “online” much in the same way as our grandparents in the 1950s would huddle around the one TV set that the wealthy neighbor owned. But the internet then was very different: It was just text, with links to other pages equally packed with text. I used to think how nice it would be to have a few pictures and a more playful way to interact.

Another memorable moment was in the spring of 2000, shortly after I joined the World Bank. My mentor who was already in his 50s came proudly to my office to show me something only he knew about in our department. It was a search engine, which had a clear and simple interface and gave you answers instantly. This was the first time I used Google.

The commonality between all of these big tech innovations of our lifetime—the personal computer, email, and the internet—is that they succeeded through simplification and personalization. It was the genius of Bill Gates and Paul Allen to understand that software would change the way people around the world worked and played. Since then “computers” have evolved from clunky machines to stylish items featured in most offices and homes (at least in the developed world). Virtually anyone can use a computer for daily work, transactions, or bookings without the help of specialized technology staff.

This is exactly the type of “revolution” that we are still waiting for in the field of data. Data scientists and software engineers can build the machines and tools that we need to collect, mine, curate, and analyze data. But we should all be able to use them. We should make the same bet that Gates and Allen made a generation ago and personalize (big) data in a way that empowers individual users. The experience should be playful, pleasant, and simple.

This big transformation is yet to come in many segments of society and sectors of work. This is even true for economists who work most of the day with data but often still operate in a 20th century pre-data revolution world. In this “ancient regime” we have experts—mainly statisticians and economists—who crunch official data and make projections. The public accepts this official wisdom, until forecasts get corrected by the same actors.

This old model needs an upgrade, badly. The opportunities are enormous, ranging from leveraging data traces from the world’s 7 billion cell phones to exploiting high-quality satellite imagery (for which costs are declining rapidly). However, the breakthrough will not come from technology alone, and the true game changer will be when data collection, aggregation, and communication is effectively democratized. For that to happen an important first step is to learn to live with the imperfection of the existing data and of the systems that generate them. If we are transparent about these imperfections, we can create systems for improvements and error correction.

Here are three surprising findings from population.io, a tool (I helped develop) that personalizes demographic data and tells you among other things, how long you might expect to live:

  1. A girl born in Korea today can expect to live 99 years. This makes Korea the country with the highest life expectancy in the world.
  2. A 45-year old Russian man has a lower life expectancy than the same man in the Democratic Republic of Congo. By contrast, Russian women in the same age bracket live 10 years longer than in the Congo.
  3. If you are 80 years old in Brazil, you can expect to live longer than any other octogenarian in the world. For example, an 80-year old Brazilian woman would live on average another 10.5 years, compared to 10 years in the United States or Germany.

Each of these three examples warrant a closer look at the data. Obviously there are hypotheses to explain these results—girls’ education in South Korea, alcohol abuse in Russia, etc. For the Brazilian case, it is more difficult. If this is an example of a data error, we should correct it. If not, we may create a body of research on the secrets of long lives in Brazil for those who overcame the first 80 years successfully.

      
 
 

The internet as a human right

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This summer, the UN declared that it considers the internet to be a human right. Specifically, an addition was made to Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which states: “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” Section 32 adds “The promotion, protection and enjoyment of human rights on the Internet” and another 15 recommendations that cover the rights of those who work in and rely on internet access. It also applies to women, girls, and those heavily impacted by the digital divide.

Authors

There were several countries opposed to the amendments, including Russia, China, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, India and South Africa. These countries contested language that condemned any measures to disrupt internet access or hinder the sharing of information online. However, this language was crucial to the document’s implementation and was approved in spite of opposition.

What does Article 19 mean for countries imposing internet shutdowns?

Article 19 is still considered a “soft” law in that it only recommends actions for nation-states and lacks any enforcement mechanisms as a “hard” law would. Before Article 19 came about, an initial UN report on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression was released to stop France and the UK from blocking copyright infringers from using the internet. It also opposes the blocking of internet access in retaliation to political unrest. The release also coincided with a shutdown of Syria’s internet connection. The report aimed to set new standards for countries looking to follow in the footsteps of Syria and other countries during times of unrest in the future.

These were not the only instances of internet shutdowns since the report’s release. Since January 2015, there have been 35 recorded cases of internet shutdowns. One of the most recent shutdowns happened in October in southeast Turkey during protests against the detention of a Turkish mayor and co-mayor. Of the 35 countries imposing shutdowns, no governments have since renounced the practice, though Ghana recently promised not to shut down the internet during their 2016 election and Morocco has reversed on ban on video based applications in the country.

Though not enforceable, a UN resolution does hold some weight for countries actively working to curb corruption and gain more credibility with their citizens. Upholding the right to internet access is just one of many ways in which governments can begin rebuilding relationships with their citizens. There have been strides from countries and organizations alike to curtail the trend of increasing internet shutdowns. There is hope that the renouncing of internet shutdowns will grow and continue to gain traction on an international scale.

Pathway to the future

A global and open internet is crucial to achieving the Agenda 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), something recognized by Article 19 and demonstrated by the actions of organizations and countries alike. The SDGs aim to create partnerships among countries, and the protection and promotion of the internet could be a key way to unite stakeholders. Though the SDGs are non-binding, 193 UN members signed and adopted the document as part of a commitment to improving the 17 listed areas of which access to the internet stands to have a significant role in. Goals that focus on economic and social growth, such as Goals 8-11, and goals that focus on peace and partnerships, such as Goals 16-17, are a few where the internet can have a strong impact on implementation and service provision.

In a world where internet shutdowns are increasing year to year, it is important that the right steps are taken to improve the relationship between governments and citizens and to uphold all human rights. The UN could advance the cause of universal internet access by using the SDGs as a stepping stone; those whose livelihoods depend on internet access or who fear that their access will be terminated will have the most to gain. The 193 signatory countries have already committed to improving internet quality, sustainability, and accessibility—a first step to internet access truly being treated as a human right.

Currently, there are only 32 countries deemed to be resilient to Internet shutdowns. The other countries lack coverage options if a few providers shut down. For example, the Syrian government can easily shut down the country’s single internet provider. Holding governments accountable for human rights violations, including restricting internet access, will advance reforms for protecting other human rights. More groups will advocate for the rights of individuals who lack reliable internet access, and more groups will organize to stop internet shutdowns.

For more information on the impact of internet restrictions, please read Darrell West’s report detailing the economic costs of internet shutdowns.

      
 
 

Ending rural hunger

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A full year has passed since the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were adopted by the members of the United Nations. The second of these goals calls for ending hunger, achieving food security, improving nutrition and promoting sustainable agriculture in all countries—all by 2030. Given the ambition of these targets, it was clear when the SDGs were launched that business-as-usual would not be enough to meet the goals—we need to change course and significantly accelerate progress. Today, in late 2016, is there any evidence that such a transformation is under way? In brief the answer is no, based on the most recent available data.

This note provides an update of where the world stands on the path toward ending rural hunger by 2030. The upshot is that prevalence of undernourishment and malnutrition in the developing world is falling, but not nearly fast enough to achieve the hunger SDG targets. Though some countries have seen important increases in agricultural productivity, many others are being left behind, with cereal yields languishing below 2,000 kilograms per hectare (kg/ha) and little evidence of improvements. Meanwhile developed countries have not significantly reformed their own remaining agricultural trade and subsidy policies which distort global markets, nor have they delivered needed increases in development assistance: The total amount of aid for food and nutrition security (FNS) is flat. To be sure, there are a number of individual success stories at the country level, some of which are discussed below. These demonstrate that real transformations are possible.

Shortly after the SDGs were announced, in October 2015, we released the Ending Rural Hunger report and accompanying dataset, an analytic tool designed to help governments, firms, philanthropies, and other stakeholders identify priorities, efficiently allocate resources and ultimately track progress toward achieving the hunger SDG. We focus specifically on the issue of rural hunger in developing countries because approximately three quarters of the world’s hungry people live in rural areas, a large share on smallholder family farms which depend on agriculture for their income. The constraints to ending hunger in developed countries and in urban areas, while also important areas of concern, are significantly different from the constraints to ending rural hunger in developing countries.

The revised, updated and expanded 2016 Ending Rural Hunger dataset is now available at endingruralhunger.org, where users can see for themselves the state of rural hunger across 153 developing countries as well as how the policies and resources of 29 developed countries rate toward ending rural hunger. Below we draw on newly released data for a subset of indicators included in the dataset in order to assess the latest evidence on advances and setbacks. Challenges in FNS data quality and lagged availability make it difficult to draw any decisive conclusions, especially when many indicators are so far only available as of 2014 (see Box 1 below). Nonetheless, available data suggest we are still not on track.

The pivotal question is how to change course—how to achieve the transformations that realize the ambition of the FNS goals. The next 12 months will be a critical period for governments to put in place the needed policies and resources. A series of multilateral financing rounds and summits related to FNS will take place in 2017, so the final section of this note suggests where to look for evidence that we are moving beyond business as usual.

Download the full report »

      
 
 

Achieving sustainability in a 5G world

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In September 2015, the United Nations established new global sustainable development goals and committed to “protect the planet from degradation, including through sustainable consumption and production, sustainably managing its natural resources and taking urgent action on climate change, so that it can support the needs of the present and future generations.”

In this paper, Darrell West examines the ways in which technology can help the international community achieve its ambitious sustainability goals. As the world faces major conservation and environmental challenges in terms of water and air quality, energy and transportation, and building design, the paper contends, technology advances are underway that will help people deal with those problems.

West details the scope of the environmental challenges facing our world, nothing that understanding their reach is vital to determining ways to mitigate their negative consequences and to identifying which emerging technologies are going to improve service delivery and further economic opportunity.

West goes on to examine the many companies and cities today that are deploying existing technology solutions that help with resource management and monitoring. And he discusses the intelligent devices of the future, including sensors and other connected devices, that will enable never-before-seen data analytics that will generate social and economic benefits including things like traffic alleviation, smart building design and energy management—all informed using advanced intelligent networking capability.

As governments prepare to adopt these new technologies, West cautions, officials should be cognizant of the rule of unintended consequences. Policymakers sometimes adopt measures that improve outcomes in some areas while hindering other ones. Recognizing the importance of maintaining technology neutrality, and supporting open, standards-based performance rules are a much better approach than issuing technology mandates.

Ultimately, West concludes, with the emerging 5G network and the internet of things, it is possible to deploy technology in ways that protect the environment and promote long-term sustainability. These new technology innovations have the potential to become an integral part of and accelerate global efforts to address the challenges of sustainability. With 5G, governments, industry, communities, and individuals will have the connectivity, capability and agility to meet many of the challenges the world faces as we work towards ensuring the lasting protection of the planet and its resources.

Please read the full report here.

      
 
 

Public-private problem-solving for the sustainable development goals


How close to zero?

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Introduction

A core ambition of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)—the economic, social, and environmental objectives affirmed by all U.N. member states in September 2015—is to end extreme poverty in all forms by 2030. Now that a year has passed since the establishment of the Goals, it is timely to assess how close each country stands to achieving the objective, defined as universal access to basic human needs. To that end, this policy brief presents current trajectories for 193 countries across a variety of key SDG targets. We focus on indicators with available data that were also previously addressed under the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) from 2000 through 2015.

Overall, the analysis tackles three questions:

  1. What is each country’s current 2030 trajectory for each target?
  2. What are each country’s current prospects across targets?
  3. For the most off track countries and targets, is there a recent precedent for SDG success?

The results build on previous forward-looking assessments of individual targets (FAO, 2015; UNESCO, 2016; You et al., 2015; Alkema et al., 2016) and aggregate global trends (Nicolai et al., 2015). To our knowledge, this is the first systematic attempt to present country-level 2030 trajectories across several extreme poverty-relevant SDG targets. Importantly, it considers countries at all income levels, consistent with the SDGs’ emphasis on the universal challenges of sustainable development.

Methods

We focus the analysis on six targets, and seven related indicators, with ample country-level, time-series data:

sdg-chart

Data for SDG 3.2 are drawn from the U.N. Inter-agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation (2015) and all other data are drawn from the World Bank’s online World Development Indicator database. Country income groups follow the World Bank’s classifications as of July 2016.

These indicators represent only a subset of relevant SDG targets and clearly do not permit a comprehensive analysis of all issues relevant to the end of extreme poverty. However, even this subset provides a surprisingly rich amount of information regarding trajectories linked to extreme poverty. Ideally we would have been able to include more indicators in the analysis, but country-level data gaps do not allow rigorous trend assessment on issues like extreme income poverty or malnutrition (see Serajuddin et al. 2015). Income poverty extrapolations also require assumptions about changes in within-country consumption distributions, which lie beyond the scope of our simple extrapolation methodology (World Bank Group, 2016).

To assess 2030 trajectories, we first calculate each country’s average annual rate of progress between 2005 and 2015. We then extrapolate the same trend out to 2030. For maternal mortality, child mortality, and neonatal mortality, we use proportional rate of progress calculations (Equation 1) to account for the ladder of technology countries must climb as mortality rates approach zero. For the other indicators we use percentage point (absolute) rate of change calculations (Equation 2), on the premise that these indicators rely more on expanding access to a relatively consistent technology set, such as water wells, toilets, or staple foods. The distinction aligns with previous literature examining rates of progress during the MDG period (e.g., Kenny and Sumner, 2011; Fukuda-Parr et al., 2013; You et al. 2015).

proportional-rate

For access to water, access to sanitation, and primary school completion rate, minor adjustments are needed to calculate the annualized rate of progress when countries are missing indicator values between 2005 and 2015. If a value is missing for 2005 then we set 2004 as the initial year for rate calculations. If a value is missing for 2015 then the most recent available year from 2010 onward is set as the end point. For undernourishment, the World Bank reports all values below five percent as “<5.” In those cases, since we are not able to calculate annual rates of progress, we make a simplifying assumption that countries are on track to eliminate hunger by 2030 (indicated by “ ~0 ” in Table 2 below).

To tabulate how countries are performing across targets, we consider maternal mortality, under-5 mortality, neonatal mortality, access to water, and access to sanitation. We do not include undernourishment and primary completion rates in those tabulations because of data gaps. For maternal mortality, we apply the SDG 3.1 benchmark of 70 deaths per 100,000 live births at the country level, even though the formal target is defined at the global level. For target 3.2, we only count countries as being on track if they are on course to reach both the under-5 mortality target and the neonatal mortality target, since the latter is a subset of the former.

Download the full report »

      
 
 

How close is the world to ending extreme poverty?

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How close is each country to eliminating extreme poverty by 2030, in all its forms? Our new paper, “How close to zero?” considers this crucial challenge set forth in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), as established by all countries at the United Nations in 2015. By extrapolating recent rates of progress all the way out to 2030, the results underscore both the depth and universality of the SDG challenge. 

Authors

K

Krista Rasmussen

Research Analyst - Global Economy and Development, The Brookings Institution

Most countries are still off track

We consider country-level trajectories for six key SDG targets out to 2030: child mortality (under-5 and neonatal), maternal mortality, access to drinking water, access to sanitation, undernourishment, and primary school completion rates. Figure 1 summarizes the story across the first four of these targets, the ones with adequate country-level data to make worldwide projections. (We don’t include extreme income poverty due to data gaps.) The map shows that fully 154 countries are off track from meeting at least one of the benchmarks. This represents 80 percent of the U.N.’s 193 member states.

Figure 1: How many of four key SDG targets are countries on track to meet by 2030?

overallcount_5sdgs_dec2

Wait, high-income countries too?

Remarkably, six high-income countries—Bahamas, Canada, Ireland, Slovenia, Trinidad and Tobago, and United Arab Emirates—are off track for two of the 2030 thresholds, while another 27 countries are off track for one. In most cases, these countries are close in absolute terms to meeting the targets, but they have seen relatively stagnant progress in recent years. This contrasts with many low-income countries that are making faster progress but still have substantial ground to cover by 2030.

For example, Canada is off track for both water and sanitation, having been stuck at 99.8 percent access for many years—close to full coverage, but not all the way there. Ireland is currently on course to achieve only 99 percent access to water and 92 percent access to sanitation by 2030. At the other end of the economic spectrum, Uganda is a low-income country that is currently off track for two target thresholds, maternal health and sanitation, with the latter on course to reach only 23 percent of the population with access by 2030. To be clear, these 2030 values are not meant to be interpreted as predictions. They are only intended to present current trajectories. Above all, they underscore the extent of the SDG ambition to “leave no one behind.”

The greatest challenge: 37 countries

Our results also highlight the specific countries with the most severe extreme poverty problems to be overcome. We find that 37 countries, listed in Figure 2 and colored red in Figure 1, are not yet on course to meet any of the four relevant SDG benchmarks. These are generally situations with both the furthest distance to cover and the greatest acceleration required in the national rate of progress.

Figure 2: 37 top priority countries

12-02-fig-2

What don’t we know?

Our findings are only as strong as the official data sources they draw upon. Holding aside concerns about accuracy, there are major cross-country gaps even when looking at just the six SDG targets considered here, as alluded to above. For example, 78 countries are missing adequate data on undernourishment; 57 countries don’t have key information to assess trends on primary school completion. The data revolution for sustainable development remains an imperative, including in advanced economies. Ending extreme poverty is meant to be the first among equals in the multi-dimensional global challenge of sustainable development. To reach the 2030 targets, the world still needs to ensure every life counts equally, and that every key issue is properly counted.

      
 
 

OECD peer review of US foreign assistance commends progress but notes areas for improvement

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Charlotte Petri Gornitzka, former head of the Swedish aid agency and now chair of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, was in Washington this week unveiling the DAC peer review of U.S. assistance.

The DAC, the club of major bilateral donor countries, undertakes an exhaustive review of each member’s development program once every five years. This new review of U.S. assistance is generally commendatory, identifies advancements since the last review in 2011, and points to areas for further improvement.

Here’s the cliff notes.

Asserting U.S. Leadership

The report tees off with a nod to U.S. global leadership, specifically its enhancement through key initiatives (health, food security climate, energy, illicit financial flows), the elevation of development as a pillar of U.S. foreign policy, a strengthened U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and the establishment of development policy guidelines and initiatives across the government. Further, it highlights the constructive role of the President Obama’s  reinforcement of development as a core pillar of American power through the Presidential Policy Directive on Global Development (PPD-6), and the comprehensive assessment of how the Department of State and the USAID can become more  effective and accountable through the Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Reviews (QDDR).

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More Strategic

The review commends the U.S. for a more strategic approach to development, as by setting government-wide priorities through PPD-6 and USAID’s return to writing strategies for its development activities in each of its partner county. Additional examples are the PPD-6 call for greater selectivity and focus, reflected in a 42 percent reduction in the number of country programs, and in the QDDR’s identification of areas of U.S. comparative advantage. But it also states, with more than 21 government agencies implementing foreign assistance, there is need for a government-wide, all-inclusive global development strategy as recommended by PPD-6.

It observes that the U.S. has pursued a more strategic use of multilateral organization but lacks a common multilateral engagement strategy. Further, the unmet financial commitments to the multilateral development banks of $1.6 billion erodes U.S. leadership and influence in those institutions.

Coherence

The report commends the U.S. for bringing greater coherence to its development policies but states that progress has not been made, in contrast to other DAC members, in greater coherence between development and domestic policies. The interagency dialogue that produced the U.S. position on the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals was a rare occasion of joining considerations of domestic, development, and foreign policies.

The report recognizes U.S. outreach and support for civil society. It also notes its engagement in fragile states, with 44 percent of U.S. official development assistance going to countries that are fragile, conflict-affected, or post-crisis.

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Stronger USAID

As to the assessment that “USAID’s expanded capabilities are making a positive difference,” the report credits this to the restoration of the agency’s policy, budget, evaluation, and strategy functions; increased staffing numbers and expertise; a more strategic focus on results and innovation; and the agency’s increased presence at meetings of the National Security Council and designation as a leader on important development initiatives and disaster response.

The report identifies business model improvements of an emphasis on using local systems, integrated approaches to programming, use of partnerships, greater transparency, innovative models by USAID’s new Global Development Lab, more and higher quality evaluations, use of adaptive management, and efforts to transform evaluations into learning

At the same time, it points to the continued constraints of a complex, burdensome, and often-delayed budgeting system that limits the flexibility of U.S. foreign aid to adjust to local priorities and an ever changing development environment. It also reports that the USAID’s personnel system, currently at the beginning of a five-year transformation plan, is not “fit for purpose.”

Engaging the Private Sector

The report views the U.S. as successful in mobilizing the private sector. USAID has created tools to engage the private sector, including extensive use of public-private partnerships and a new Office of Private Capital and Microenterprise. Between 2012 and 2014 the U.S. mobilized $10 billion in private finance through guarantees. Since 2010 the portfolio of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation has grown 47 percent, but it is hamstrung from doing more by insufficient staff, lack of equity authority, and the requirement that a U.S. entity must be involved in a project.

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Humanitarian Assistance

On humanitarian assistance, the report highlights that the U.S. is the largest donor, its staff is respected for its expertise and experience, and its increased accountability to affected populations. The short-comings are, despite modest improvements, in the areas of antiterrorism measures that hinder the ability of nongovernmental organizations to respond to crisis situations and tied procurement and transportation of food aid.  In addition, the improved collaboration and coherence between the Department of State and USAID has not overcome the division of labor between the two agencies that complicates “access to development funding for durable solutions for refugees.”

Visits to Malawi and South Africa

The two countries that the DAC team visited to get a ground-level view of U.S. assistance were Malawi and South Africa. In both countries the U.S. is seen as a strong development partner. However, USAID missions lack the flexibility to respond to local needs due to funding predetermined by presidential initiatives and congressional directives.  The review does find that the program of the Millennium Challenge Corporation in Malawi “bears all the hallmarks of effective development cooperation.”

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DAC chair Charlotte Petri Gornitzka presenting the U.S. aid review to the Modernizing Foreign Assistance Network.

Overall Improvements and the Path Forward

The report presents a brief tally of how the U.S. has responded to the recommendations of the 2011 DAC peer report. The U.S. acted fully or partially on 80 percent of the recommendations and took no action on four.

The DAC report adds a respected international voice to comparable assessments of the substantial progress that has been made in the management of U.S. assistance and where further steps are in order.

With a new administration taking office in a month, the report could not be more timely. It is a useful guide to the strengths and shortcomings of U.S. assistance policies and programs and where improvements can be made.

      
 
 

Mobilizing financial resources

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Sub-Saharan Africa’s oil exporters: Decisive domestic adjustment is needed to address growing financing needs

While prospects remain encouraging for many sub-Saharan African countries, how things have changed for the oil-exporting ones!1 Prior to 2014, oil exporters boasted an average current account surplus and even managed to generate a small government budget surplus (Figure 1.1). But then in 2014 oil prices fell so abruptly that by early 2016 they had breached their 10-year low. As revenues from oil exports shrunk, government revenues that largely depend on them fell, and so government financing requirements increased. Sub-Saharan African oil exporters are now faced with the “twin deficits” of their current account and government budget.

Unfortunately, and although oil prices have somewhat recovered, prospects do not look good and external financing will be difficult to obtain next year.

The challenge is that external financing requirements are increasing exactly at the same time as financial conditions are tightening. The United States’ interest rates are increasing, which not only raises refinancing costs and the cost of new borrowing, but also dampens the search for yield and reduces the appetite for risk that had pushed investors to venture in frontier markets, including in Africa. Capital flows to oil-exporting countries may decline further or, even worse, reverse. Tighter financial conditions leave credible and decisive domestic adjustment as the main policy option to address growing financing needs. Unfortunately, oil exporters have so far been rather tentative in their adjustment efforts. In the face of depleted buffers and tighter financial conditions, they have been slow and at times even reluctant to implement much-needed macroeconomic adjustments.

2017, then, is the time to use the oil shocks to not only implement the right macroeconomic policy mix but also to put oil-dependent economies on a better footing so they can make significant progress towards the sustainable development goals (SDGs). There is really no other choice as oil prices are expected to remain low for long (even though they have been rising of late). Short-term adjustment will only be a “pain medicine” and sectoral policies, including in agriculture, will be needed to diversify oil-rich economies and strengthen their structural transformation. Financing will only be one part of the equation and raising more revenues from the non-oil economy is an option that should be exercised. But now that oil rents have shrunk, it is the time to accelerate the pace of reforms that do not require much funding such as improving the efficiency of spending. Policymakers will need the right combination of political will, effective communication, and private sector and other stakeholders’ involvement. The social contract in place during the boom years should be revisited.

Oil-exporters are facing larger financing needs

The boom and bust cycle of oil prices is leading to macroeconomic imbalances that will need to be financed. Fluctuations in the price of oil give a sense of how brutal the shock has been for oil exporters. The price of the commodity fell from $112 per barrel in mid-2014 to less than $39 in early January 2016. Falling oil prices have led to lower export revenues, deteriorated current account balances, and put pressure on currencies. Figure 1.1 shows how the current account deficit for oil exporters moved from positive to negative territory from 2013 to 2014. Such countries managed to generate a current account surplus of 3.8 percent of GDP in 2013, which fell to a deficit of 0.6 percent in 2014 and worsened to 4.7 percent of GDP in 2015. Figure 1.1 also shows how fiscal balances have worsened over time.

The large oil shock led to increased financing, and now a crucial question is to what extent external financing will be available in 2017. Unfortunately, and although oil prices have somewhat recovered, prospects do not look good and external financing will be difficult to obtain next year.

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global_20170109_foresight_africa_table 1.1

International reserves have been depleted and additional foreign financing is less available

One buffer against falling oil prices is the level of international reserves, but such a buffer is limited. Oil-exporting countries in the region have been depleting their international reserves and, as noted by World Bank (2016), the cumulative decline in international reserves in oil-exporting countries in the region was more than 30 percent between end-June 2014 and March 2016. IMF (2016) also remarks that these countries have financed about two-thirds of their current account deficit by drawing on international reserves to the tune of 1.5 percent of GDP each year since 2014.

In the first half of 2016 alone, a number of oil-exporting countries, such as Angola, Gabon, and the Republic of the Congo, saw credit rating downgrades.

Foreign borrowing can also help finance the widening current account of oil exporters. But, as noted above, accessing the international debt market is becoming increasingly difficult and costly. In 2016, only South Africa and Ghana tapped international bond markets, the latter raising $750 million at yield of 9.25 percent after having delayed the issuance because of the higher price demanded by investors.2 It is useful to note that unlike oil-exporting countries like Nigeria and Angola, Ghana was already under an IMF program and had already started its domestic macroeconomic adjustment.

As noted by World Bank (2016), the pace of credit rating downgrades has accelerated over the past year. In the first half of 2016 alone, a number of oil-exporting countries, such as Angola, Gabon, and the Republic of the Congo, saw credit rating downgrades. Higher interest rates and lower ratings are complicating these countries’ efforts to access international markets. Figure 1.3, which shows sovereign bond spreads and ratings as of November 15, 2016 (before Mozambique’s downgrade to “restrictive default” from CC by Fitch Ratings) indicates that oil- (and commodity-) exporting countries pay a relatively higher cost to issue debt. Nigeria’s planned international bond issuance, its first since 2013, will provide a litmus test for other African oil-exporting countries seeking to finance themselves externally.

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Capital inflows (foreign direct investment (FDI) and portfolio inflows) are typically sought to finance current account deficits (with a preference for the former as it is more stable), but there are indications that investors are not as eager to invest in many oil-exporting countries as in other African countries. Indeed, World Bank (2016) notes that capital inflows in the region have slowed. In the case of Nigeria, capital inflows fell by 55 percent in the first quarter of 2016 while outflows more than doubled.

Against this background of tight foreign financing, what policy options are left for African oil exporters?

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global_20170109_foresight_africa_figure 1.5

Credible and decisive domestic adjustment in 2017 is the main policy option left for oil-exporters

The typical medicine against a negative oil shock for oil exporters is a combination of fiscal contraction, currency depreciation, and monetary tightening (to limit inflationary pressures). In addition, state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and the financial sector are closely watched to avoid any bad surprises such as the materialization of quasi-fiscal liabilities and higher nonperforming loans from exposures to oil and gas and currency mismatches. To make the medicine easier to ingest, existing policy buffers can be used to smooth the adjustment. When policy buffers are too low, multilateral institutions such as the IMF, the African Development Bank, and the World Bank as well as bilateral donors, including China, are asked to pitch in (when the political economy environment allows it).

But unlike more diversified economies, oil-dependent economies are like oil tankers, and they are difficult to turn around quickly.

But unlike more diversified economies, oil-dependent economies are like oil tankers, and they are difficult to turn around quickly. Still, implementing the right set of policies quickly and in a credible way is crucial. Unfortunately, African oil exporters have typically not been able to manage this difficult situation as credibly and decisively as they need to.

Slow exchange rate adjustment is evident not only in the dwindling international reserves of African oil-exporting countries but also in the scarcity of foreign exchange (getting U.S. dollars has becoming increasingly difficult in Nigeria, for instance), and in the large gap between parallel markets and official exchange rates such as in Angola and Nigeria. Budget outturns show that many countries were not able to rein in current expenditures or to execute capital expenditures (as in Nigeria, which sought to use it as countercyclical policy). In many countries, government debt has risen and a larger share of falling revenues are now allocated to service debt. IMF (2016) notes, for instance, that public debt has increased sharply among oil exporters by 20 percentage points of GDP since 2013 (although from a low level in Nigeria). Government arrears have also increased, and some governments have even resorted to central bank financing. Reasons for not achieving the right and timely policy mix have been numerous and include treating the oil shock as a temporary shock rather than a permanent one, long delays in coordination between ministries and in execution, and difficulty in managing the political economy of reform.

2017 is the time to accelerate the implementation of the domestic revenue mobilization agenda.

A silver lining, however, is that the current shock and its negative consequences on the economies and lives of the citizens of African oil-exporting countries can be an opportunity to “fix the machine.” Indeed, the sharp fall in oil prices has highlighted the fragility of the current growth model. Structural transformation is not deeply rooted, and there has been little progress in diversifying economies and the overdependence on oil-export revenues. 2017 is the time to accelerate the implementation of the domestic revenue mobilization agenda, which was much heralded in the 2015 Addis Ababa Action Agenda, and improve the taxation of the non-oil economy, consider the merit of increasing the VAT (value-added tax) rate, and revisit poorly targeted tax exemptions and subsidies. 2017 is also the time to ensure that capital expenditures (which are still needed to finance the large infrastructure gap) have a value for money and outcomes that are really growth enhancing. 2017 is the time to revisit how current expenditures in the oil economy were part of an ineffective social contract where oil windfalls would result in a higher wage bill and increased government spending for goods and services.

2017 is the time to reconsider the role of the private sector and the financial sector as engines of broad-based growth beyond their typical dependence on government contracts and oil and gas revenues. In the oil economy, the government is too often the be-all-end-all and crowds out or even stunts the private sector. 2017 is the time to level the playing field and revisit the role of the state and its areas of interventions, including reducing the cost of doing business and providing adequate infrastructure to boost private sector-led growth and competitiveness. Such measures are also part of the needed new social contract.

2017 is the time to step up the improvement of institutions to complement the macro stabilization effort and set the foundation for sustainable and inclusive growth. Too often poor governance has arrested the effectiveness of public expenditures to improve outcomes and enhance growth. Good governance is also critical for the domestic revenue mobilization agenda. Recent work shows that good governance is more relevant for raising tax revenues than for attracting foreign direct investment. This is important because tax revenues are typically the largest source of financing for development.3

2017 is also the time to take a serious look at the social compact in oil-exporting countries. Social protection expenditures can be very low in oil-exporting countries and should be revisited. After all, how much did the poor really benefit from the boom cycle in oil prices? Now that adjustment times have come, how much of its cost should they bear? 2017 is the time to build the capacity to implement targeted interventions and proceed to implement targeted social protection measures to help smooth the effects of the necessary macroeconomic adjustment. For instance, increasing the VAT, which is a regressive tax should be accompanied by well-targeted compensation of the poorest segments of the population.

Policymakers in oil-exporting countries need a three-pronged approach that will credibly and decisively focus on macroeconomic adjustment, set the basis for medium-term broad-based growth, and revisit the social contract. These objectives are vital at this juncture, and addressing short-term issues must be done to avoid jeopardizing medium-term growth.

Additional Graphics

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Change of pace: Accelerations and advances during the Millennium Development Goal era

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Did the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) make any difference? Perhaps no question is more important for assessing the results of global policy cooperation over the past 15 years. But this is a challenging question to answer empirically. Amid the world’s complex cross-currents of economics, politics and security, pathways of cause and effect are difficult to discern. Moreover, the MDGs spoke to a wide range of policy priorities, so any findings are likely to vary considerably across issues and geographies.

Nonetheless, it is possible to conduct a quantitative investigation of trends before and after the establishment of the MDGs: Which trajectories changed where, and to what scale of human consequence? That is the main purpose of this paper. It aims to answer the “what” questions in a manner that establishes boundaries for subsequent debate about “why” some patterns shifted while others did not.

Among skeptics, there are three common critiques of the MDGs. One is that all progress was on course to happen anyway. According to this view, the MDGs were little more than a “bureaucratic accounting exercise with scant impact on reality,” according, for example, to a Financial Times editorial in September 2015. A second is that global development aggregates are driven by China and India, two very large developing countries whose progress is considered independent to multilateral system efforts. A third is that progress on development outcomes is simply a product of underlying economic growth, rather than directed policy efforts.

This paper informs an assessment of whether the first two of these critiques are correct, and thereby provides reference points to inform future investigations of the third. To our knowledge, this is the first cross-sectoral analysis of MDG-relevant trends since the conclusion of the 2015 deadline. The results provide a reference point for efforts toward the newly established Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for 2030.

Download the full report »

      
 
 
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